Radicalism and Identity Politics
Illustration: Handining
In various literature it is mentioned that radicalism demands drastic change or renewal. Achieving this goal involves many ways, including the most extreme: violence both symbolic and physical.
Sociologically, at least three symptoms can be identified from the view of radicalism. First, responding to social conditions -- political and economic -- taking place in the form of rejection and resistance. Especially the aspects of ideas and institutions that are considered to be contrary to the beliefs of the players. Second, coercion of the will to change conditions in accordance with the perspective and characteristics of thinking affiliated to certain values, such as religion or ideology.
Third, strengthen belief about the ideological truth that is considered superior. In turn, this claim of the real truth culminates in an attitude of denial and negation of any other system. To encourage this effort, it involves labeling on behalf of the people, expressed emotionally and aggressively. (Endang Turmudi, Islam dan Radikalisme di Indonesia [Islam and Radicalism in Indonesia] ed [2005]). Especially when democracy guarantees the freedom to express thoughts, these three phenomena are used by promoters of radicalism.
Radicalism traps
The government appears to be powerless to curb the spread of radicalism within educational institutions, community groups and even government agencies. This is because whatever the government does has an effect on human rights. As each person and group has found space for experimentation to promote its ideology, the radicalism is played as a trump card by the actors.
In this context, according to research by Haedar Nashir, Islam Syariat: Reproduksi Salafiyah Ideologis di Indonesia (Sharia: Ideological Salafi Reproduction in Indonesia, 2007), several groups are keen to make radical changes by way of "instrumentalizing" beliefs.
The movement of radicalism by revivalist groups is not related to terrorism and there may be no intention to spread radicalism through acts of terrorism.
First, the revivalist groups that appear with legal-formal characteristics that demand changes in the legal system in line with the rules and guidelines of religious tenets. Second, the revivalist groups that come up with doctrinaire characteristics by understanding and practicing an absolute and rigid form of religion. Third, revivalist groups that have militant characteristics and take a high-handed and hard-line religious stance. This group openly rejects Pancasila as the foundation of the state of Indonesia and insists that sharia be introduced.
It is in this way that radicalism is "instrumentalized" in various forms and intentions by the revivalist groups and becomes rooted in several perceptions and reason, such as in connection to injustice and widespread corruption, economic-political crises and the rich-poor gap. In their view, it happens because the state is too oriented toward democracy and reveres Pancasila. Therefore, this group proposes sharia should be used as the only foundation of the Constitution and the basis of the state.
What we have witnessed in recent months, whereby the entrance of radicalism driven by revivalist groups through the momentum of the Jakarta gubernatorial election, is proof of how they want to actualize radicalism. Even the massive demonstrations called Aksi 411, 212, 313 appear to have been movements of radicalism that exploited the mass movement fueled by a spirit of populism.
By involving various actors, including politicians, clerics, entrepreneurs and other public figures, radicalism is increasingly being promoted as the only way to introduce changes for a better Indonesia. Various religious adages were loudly spoken about at the pulpit to spur emotion -- especially by a group of people affiliated with this movement.
The movement of radicalism by revivalist groups is not related to terrorism and there may be no intention to spread radicalism through acts of terrorism.
However, it is not impossible for radicalism, especially in relation to the movement involving political power, to be exploited by other parties, especially extreme groups that are small but very noisy (noisy minority), to make the radicalism movement a trap to create commotion that can trigger conflict.
Because when radicalism is used as a means to oppose the government, and their ranks swell with ambition for power, it not impossible that extreme measures will be taken.
Members of the Ansor Youth Movement (GP Ansor) and Nahdlatul Ulama(NU) autonomous youth movements in Central Java take part in a radical views prevention dialogue at the IV/Diponegoro Military Command in Semarang, Central Java, on Thursday (28/4/2017). Based on the dialogue’s results, the National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) established cooperation with NU organizational elements to actively fight the spread of radicalism in local regions.
Radical Islam
By using religious adages, violence is being used systematically in attempts to achieve power. As a result, victory was gained in the Jakarta election and celebrated as a political celebration that supposedly had "God\'s blessings."What happened in Jakarta, which is the epicenter of national power, increasingly gave a fairly comprehensive picture. That radicalism can be used in identity politics complicates the use of religion in the shadow of their social movement.
In other words, to borrow a term of Olivier Roy in Who are the New Jihadis?,
many revivalist groups use the mode of Islamization of radicalism as a way to gain power and seize public influence. They use the label "Islamization" to impose their radical views to resist anyone thought to oppose their political agenda. Even the adage of "syariatisasi" is being voiced more loudly in order to be used as a constitutional building block by referring to the 1945 Constitution. Other groups have also long systematized their movement of resistance to change the system of our state to the "khilafah" model, which takes advantage of this momentum.
Under these circumstances, if many parties using the Islamization pattern of the radicalism view, which is closely linked to power, it is possible that the seeds will be sown of more systematic and widespread extremism that can lead to terrorism.
Considering the opaque portrait of the radicalism that resonated throughout the Jakarta gubernatorial electoral campaign, it is not impossible that radicalism will be used as a social mechanism to mobilize identity politics on behalf of religion, so that the government will have to take prevensi in optima forma steps as stated in the regulations of regional elections so that our democracy building will not be increasingly polluted by short-sighted political parties -- to borrow a term of Buya Syafii Maarif.
This step is important, referring to the view of Sri Yanuarti (a senior LIPI researcher), so that many regions do not replicate the blind identity politics model as happened in Jakarta. Because if identity politics that uses a radical view as a mode of capitalization of religious issues is applied in the regions, the very foundations of our nation and state will be increasingly shaken.
Therefore, what needs to be clearly reflected upon is whether we have the heart to mortgage the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), which has thus far been governed by Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution, to the radicalism that uses the pattern of Islamization as identity politics to seize power?
Wallahu a’lam bish shawab
FATHORRAHMAN GHUFRON
Deputy Katib Syuriyah of the Regional Board of Executives of Nahdlatul Ulama and LPPM Caretaker of NU University, Lecturer of the Faculty of Sharia and Law of Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University
