The government has issued presidential regulation in lieu of Law (Perppu) No. 2 of 2017 on the amendment of the Law on Mass Organizations. The Perppu is to prevent the spread of anti-Pancasila ideology allegedly spurred by a number of mass organizations.
The Perppu, which was signed by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, is supported by many circles, including Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Islamic Unity. As explained by Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Wiranto, the Perppu is issued because the government deemed Law No. 17/2013 on Mass Organizations as inadequate in acting as a legal basis to prevent the presence of mass organizations that are in opposition to Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution (Kompas, 13/7/17).
Asbabun nuzul (reasons for revelation)ofPerppu No. 2/2017 is very clear, namely the emergence of mass organizations that reject Pancasila. Signs of the rejection of Pancasila can be seen in two possibilities. First, theological reasons. Pancasila is considered contrary to religion (Islam), so any legislation that derives from Pancasila is automatically considered contrary to the revelation of God (thaghut). Pancasila is only an intermediary point for when the situation has made it possible to replace religious-based ideologies with the basis of the Quran and Hadith.
Or borrowing their terminology, Indonesia is now in the phase of Makiyah (the implantation of monotheistic values) and later through jihad fi sabilillah must shift at the stage of Medina, where "Islamic ideology" is articulated in the form of laws and sharia bylaws.
We cannot turn a blind eye, not a few Muslims has such a way thinking, of course. For theological reasons, the debates are frequently no longer rational, but emotional and tend to be closed, apologetic and ahistorical. They seem to only quote Quranic verses without the need to re-examine the spirit behind their meaning and historical background, let alone be contextualized with the dynamics of recent human issues.
For this group, the scripture does not only speak of ritual aspects, but also brings in one\'s hand all issues, including state administration. Unfortunately, the understanding of the state being offered is more on the formulation of a country in an unknown era, with the unfamiliar language of religious politics, except to rely solely on the archaic, hasty and irrational religious arguments.
Therefore, instead of offering inclusive politics with the spirit of building non-discriminative alliance, what is proposed is scholastic politics, where the world is divided based on the ancient identity of religious disparities of darul Islam and darul harbi. Instead of strengthening deliberative democracy to build a public space that implies that everything related to public affairs is discussed openly, they — even from the beginning before those conversations are held — have been convinced to a conclusion of the error of other people.
What is more tragic is that in order to defeat their political opponents as well as to strengthen their comrades, they launch metaphysical terror by assuming that those having different views are hell dwellers! The stigma of being an infidel, hypocritical and perverted is considered legitimate to be brought in the public sphere (takfiri).
Puritanism roughly works with that kind of mind. The embryo of radicalism is based on such short axes. They can survive not only for the above theological reasons, but also because of the financial support from the power of international wahabism and all interest groups which need their political support.
Apathy
The second group that rejects Pancasila does not do so for theological reasons, but rather seeing the fact that the fate of Pancasila is frequently used to serve as a tool of the ruling elite for partisan, pragmatic purposes and their corruptive lust.
For 35 years during the New Order era, Pancasila\'s interpretation was monopolized only to serve the interest of the powerful.
The Guidelines for the Comprehension and Practical Application of Pancasila (P4) became a forum for the indoctrination of Pancasila to all citizens, not to give enlightenment, let alone doing ijtihad (physical and mental effort) in search for the possible presence of more prosperous life, but rather to operate fears to the citizens who took interpretations of Pancasila that were different from the those of the authorities.
During the rule of general Soeharto and his apparatuses, the sanctity of Pancasila was only rhetoric. Narrated unilaterally without the slightest effort to actualize the values of Pancasila in real activities, it became a praxis. Therefore, it is not strange if we have difficulties in looking for role models in leaders who really can be used as a reference as Pancasila humans.
This group is ontologically not against Pancasila, but asks for evidence of how Pancasila is an important part of the experience of the community, especially the state organizers who must provide examples.
The first principle of God Almighty does not stop simply at belief, but divine values become the power to prevent someone from corruption. The second principle is the necessity of glorifying humanity and civilization. The third principle is the sincerity of unity as the foundation of being Indonesian whenever we enter the breath of pluralistic experiences. The fourth principle is the spirit of the state, which refers to the spirit of society by upholding national issues and prioritizing philosophy and wisdom. The fifth principle mandates that the state be present to distribute the sense of justice for all the people.
For this group, it can only be answered through the stance of sincerity of state organizers in implementing Pancasila. If they are still not serious, there is a possibility that apathy will eventually culminate in the search for other ideologies outside Pancasila, including to fall into the charm of religious-based political temptation.
Already final
We are lucky to have NU and Muhammadiyah as the largest mass organizations in Indonesia that were born long before the independence of Indonesia and whose political stance clearly places Pancasila as the final foundation of the state. La raiba fih. The two mass organizations are not fascinated by Islamist political fantasies that promise religious life with unclear steps and reckless ways.
The Arab spring, which pushed countries in the Middle East into a revolution, was triggered, among other things, by the disappearance of the anchor of cultural Islam, the silence of religious moderate circles, the disappearance of "Pancasila," which become a common umbrella.
All appeared to promote Islamism, which was full of trial and error. And when it was applied in a trial, like what was done by Ikhwanul Muslimin in Egypt, what resulted was an amateur state.
The two mass organizations have reached maqam marifat in politics. Because, in order to unify diversity, there is no other way, except Pancasila. Without Pancasila, Indonesia with its diversity would be in a mess.
Pancasila has become a meeting point (kalimatun sawa) of being Indonesian, as well as a "civil religion” (Jean-Jacques Rosseau, Talcott Parsons, Edward Shils, and Robert Bellah), a place where people cultivate the dough of wisdom.
Under the auspices of Pancasila, all citizens have the same position. With Pancasila, too, we can move away from the trappings of a religious state and avoid secular state hostages.
ASEP SALAHUDIN
Deputy rector of Academic Affairs at IAILM Tasikmalaya; Chairman of Lakpesdam of PWNU East Java
