Jerusalem, OIC, Indonesia and the Long Road Ahead

AFP/MOHAMMED ABED

This file photo taken on May 19, 2017 shows handicapped Palestinian demonstrator Ibrahim Abu Thurayeh waving a Palestinian flag during clashes with Israeli soldiers following a protest against the blockade on Gaza, near the border fence east of Gaza City. The 29-year-old Abu Thurayeh was shot during clashes with Israeli security forces against Washington\'s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel\'s capital, on December 15, 2017 the Palestinian health ministry said, shortly after another man was killed in similar circumstances.

One week after US President Donald Trump made the controversial decision on the status of Jerusalem, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) held its special summit in Istanbul, Turkey, on December 13.

The OIC’s special summit produced the Istanbul Declaration on “Freedom for Al-Quds.” Through the historic declaration, OIC categorically rejected the US and Israel’s move to change the legal status of Al-Quds (Jerusalem) and called upon the world to recognize East Jerusalem as Palestine’s capital, which is currently under Israeli occupation.

In rooms or on streets

Viewed positively, OIC’s special summit and declaration has increased the organization’s diplomatic weight in international politics. The decision to firmly reject the US’ move was the first time in the last several years that OIC members have reached a clear agreement. They also agreed to collectively deny the US the role of neutral mediator in future peace talks. If this truly comes to pass, it will transform the US’ role in the Middle East as the hegemonic power it has enjoyed for so long will be “revoked.”

The key question, surely, is “Will that happen?” Where will the Istanbul Declaration lead us? Another question is whether or not the Istanbul Declaration has the political force to put pressure on the US and Israel. Or is it people power on the streets that will force the US to change its policy?

Surely, OIC’s move must not stop in Istanbul. It must be carried through to the United Nations to generate stronger international pressure on the US and Israel. In bringing the issue to the UN, it cannot be brought to the UN Security Council, where the US has veto power. Besides, the Security Council is now being presided over by Japan, a known US ally.

Therefore, the declaration must be brought to the UN General Assembly to seek support from European, Asian, African and Latin American countries. However, the General Assembly is a “last resort” of OIC members’ struggle for Palestine. Can the current Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) chair Venezuela, itself facing severe leadership, political and economic crises, for instance, bring together all NAM members and encourage them to support the Istanbul Declaration?

What about the European Union? Thus far, EU countries, including the UK, have rebuked Trump’s policy. Russia and China are of the same stance.

However, the critical question is whether China’s harsh criticism, for instance, is really about its support for Palestine and for Jerusalem’s status quo or merely about its competition with the US. It is the same with Russia, who is competing with the US for influence in the Middle East.

Indonesia’s role

The European Union route seems more promising. There are actually more complex problems within the OIC (or the Middle East). Indeed, the OIC summit was attended by 57 countries, including Indonesia. However, beneath the surface, you can find political divisions between OIC members. Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s statement clearly highlights these political divisions.

“Some countries in this region are in cooperation with the US and the Zionist regime in determining the fate of Palestine,” Rouhani said (Kompas, 14/12/2017). The statement reflects the presence of mutual distrust in the OIC and the lack of complete solidarity among OIC members.

Despite Turkey having initiated the special summit, it needs to be noted that Ankara’s diplomatic relationship with Tel Aviv remains. Turkey’s stance might have been a protest of the US’ inaction on Fethullah Gulen, who has been alleged to have led the failed coup last year and now resides in the US.

Saudi Arabia and Egypt were different from other countries, whose delegates were led by either heads of state or government. Indonesian President Joko Widodo, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, Jordan King Abdullah II, Lebanese President Michel Aoun, Kuwaiti Emir Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber al-Sabah and Afghan President Ashraf Ghani attended the summit.

The Saudi Arabian delegation, meanwhile, was led by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Nizar Bin Obadi Madani. Egypt’s delegation was led by Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry instead of by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.

The question is, surely, why was the Saudi Arabian delegation not led by at least the Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman (MBS)? Was this related to Saudi Arabia’s closeness to the US and the close relationship between MBS and Trump’s son-in-law and Middle East special envoy Jared Kushner? Also, Egypt is known to have enjoyed arms supplies from the US to fight terrorism and radical groups.

It needs to be noted that the relationship between the four Middle-eastern powers – Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey and Egypt – cannot be said to be peaceful. Saudi Arabia is in contention with Iran for regional influence and leadership; Iran and Turkey’s relationship is rocky at best. Turkey and Egypt do not go together well and Egypt and Iran are not really on the best of terms.

Seeing this configuration, there is a huge opportunity for Indonesia to strengthen its role in pushing for Palestinian freedom and continuing efforts to resolve Jerusalem’s status. Indonesia’s advantage lies in its good relationships with key Middle East countries, the EU and NAM – all of which can be activated to push the Palestine issue at the UN General Assembly.

Despite this heavy burden and the long road ahead, filled with sharp twists and turns and ups and downs, this is clearly an opportunity for Indonesia to strengthen its reputation on the international stage. If this occurs, the old observation will be proven to be true: There are only three countries deeply loyal to Palestine: Jordan, Indonesia and Palestine.