It is highly appropriate for those who do not agree with calling politicians sontoloyo (dumb) or genderuwo (ape-like boogeyman), because the labels are lackluster and lack a certain kick. The most suitable name is probably politisi nggragas (greedy politicians), predators that are ready to devour all state resources and wealth, even the moral values and ideology of the nation. Colossal and systemic corruption is the very real consequence of the behavior of politisi nggragas. It seems as if the poison of corruption has permeated through the pores of the political body to its most hidden reaches.
The destructive power of corruption can ruin the state. History provides much evidence of previously powerful states that fell because they became victim to this type of politician. Herry Priyono’s Korupsi: Melacak Arti, Menyimak Implikasi (Corruption: tracing meaning, examining implications; 2018), provides clear and careful insight through evidence on the destructive power of corruption from ancient times to the present.
Their actions in the last five months leading up to the 2019 general elections had created a political environment that is short of ideas. Nearly every breath the public takes swallows expressions that enflame their emotions and drain their energy.
The campaigns lack any intention to educate the public, because the politicians are busy fighting for seats while daydreaming about enjoying power. Public spaces are littered with the garbage of identity politics. Meanwhile, those who create hoaxes are becoming increasingly sophisticated and growing in number because of an abundance of consumers in line with the abundance of greed for power. This type of politician does not hold back in producing hoaxes by exploiting our primal instincts.
One of the sources of this political mess is Constitutional Court Decision No. 22-24/PUUVI/2008 on the Legal Test (PUU) of Law No. 10/2008 on the House of Representatives (DPR), Regional Representatives Council (DPD) and Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) Elections (MD3 Law). Essentially, the court decision annuls the candidate ballot number that is the authority of the political party and confirms majority rule for the general election.
Therefore, the number of peci (traditional cap) or sepatu (shoes) is irrelevant. Basically, the political arena has turned into an open battle among political cadres to gain the most votes. It is
worth noting here that the authority of the Constitutional Court is limited to annulling articles that are deemed contradictory to the 1945 Constitution, and it does not have the authority to issue a decision outside the substance of the legal review. As a result, it has disregarded the district system (winner takes all), which is inherent to the presidential system.
Since the regulations for the 2019 general elections have deviated from the standard as a result of the Constitutional Court’s biased decision, the elections have lost their orientation and no longer have any clear paradigm. However, what is surprising is that the party elites have not revised the 2014 and 2019 election laws, even though they fully understand that the elections are now become an arena for a bloodbath between the party members and coalition parties on their own side.
The party elites are not committed to building political institutions. They are only preoccupied with the hunt for power. They use up their energy in competing for public office. Instead of revising a heretical law, some even dare to sell an illusion of the achievements of the New Order government, which had silenced the public for decades and produced political robots and pawns that enabled the regime to monopolize power, and even the truth. The state became a single institution that could determine right and wrong.
The greed of politisi nggragas must be stopped. The party elites must act quickly to produce "initiator politicians". They can do this by diligently and systematically instilling virtue and the party ideology among their cadres. Train the cadres so they become masters of turning ideas into public policies and reinforce them to be resistant to the temptations of power.
If not, the political parties will only become an arena for the politisi nggragas’ escapades; politicians that will dwarf their parties, and even dare to prey on their parties. The majority rule for the legislative election must be immediately revised. The way to do this is by redesigning the presidential election and legislative elections in such a way as to produce a presidential system that is compatible with a multi-party system.
Mindlessly following the road to the political contest will not produce a solid coalition for the presidential candidates because the coalitions must fight with fellow members to win enough seats to meet the 4 percent legislative threshold. Therefore, the coattail effect of the simultaneous general and elections will not achieve its primary target, that is, an effective presidential system. Even though the legislative threshold policy has reduced the number of political parties, it does not automatically contribute to strengthening the presidential system. The parties will be even more oligarchic if reduction in political parties does not come with efforts to improve their quality, including developing an internal democratic system, applying the principle of meritocracy and ensuring transparent and accountable financial management.
Strictly speaking, party reform is a political necessity that must be undertaken as soon as possible. Political parties that win the race in producing “initiator politicians” that possess statesmanship will almost certainly excel in the 2024 general elections. If the campaign arena is full of virtuous ideas, Indonesia will be the ultimate winner, no matter who wins an election. (J. KRISTIADI Senior Researcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies)