Taking Care of People\'s Sovereignty
The direction that Indonesia\'s democracy takes over the next five years will be largely determined by the legislators and the president-elect and vice president-elect.
The direction that Indonesia\'s democracy takes over the next five years will be largely determined by the legislators and the president-elect and vice president-elect.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) announced the members of the House of Representatives (DPR) and Regional Representatives Council (DPD) for the 2019-2024 period, and they were sworn in on 1 October 2019. The president-elect and vice president-elect will be inaugurated on 20 October 2019. They all should respect the mandate people have entrusted to them for the next five years.
With each five-year mandate, there is always the question of whether they will carry out real work and make changes for the better, or will they spin aimlessly, like walking in the labyrinth of power?
Keeping promises
Borrowing an illustration of German mathematician August Ferdinand Mobius, the journey of a nation is often like walking on a Mobius strip. The strip is non-orientable and forces one to move from side to side. One never ends on one edge.
The Mobius strip analogy illustrates power that often does not pay attention to achieving the great goals of a nation. It simply continues to move and go through the process, with an obscure final destination.
During the 2019 election campaign, many promises were made, using various banners, posters, billboards, advertisements and social media and during public discussions. The promises, which became the pledge of the President, Vice President and legislators, have been eternally inscribed in a variety of digital footprints and documents that can be reviewed and queried by the public at any time.
In fact, the promises made become a form of communication that cannot be withdrawn. One of the principles of communication, according to Larry A. Samovar and Richard E. Porter in Communication Between Cultures (2012), communication is irreversible. It means that anything said cannot be taken back.
Even though many people remain silent and seem not to care, they will in fact judge and speak in their silence.
The distinguishing value in their history test lies in their commitment and consistency between words and deeds. Even though many people remain silent and seem not to care, they will in fact judge and speak in their silence.
Who in history has been given appreciation and respect as a leader of pro-people after they return to being ordinary citizens? Who affirms the memory of the people\'s collective hatred and is remembered as a traitorous leader?
As a nation, there is much work to be done so that this nation grows strong and is respected. It should not be a nation that is dependent on other parties. One solid foundation is in the management of a state that is free of corruption.
The commitment to eradicate corruption is still a big question mark both for the DPR and the government. In the midst of an increasingly growing epidemic of corruption, the people received a bitter gift at the end of the term of the DPR for the 2014-2019 period with the ratification of the revision of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Law. A number of articles clearly have the potential to weaken the KPK. Under such circumstances, it is only natural that all critical elements, including students, have returned to the streets.
The weakening of the KPK is not merely an issue of the Jakarta elite, but extends to various regions throughout the archipelago. This should be an "amber light" for the government of President Jokowi, who will soon embark on a second term. Resistance to the recently passed KPK Law could be a turning point in public trust. Indeed, a constitutional path could be taken through a judicial review by the Constitutional Court, but Jokowi could also play a role, such as by issuing a regulation in lieu of law (Perppu).
The same promise was made during campaigning for the 2019 presidential election.
When running for president and vice president in the 2014 presidential election, Jokowi and Jusuf Kalla had a nine-point program called Nawacita. A promise to fight corruption was point number four. The promise was: reform the legal system and law enforcement as graft-free, independent, dignified and credible. The same promise was made during campaigning for the 2019 presidential election.
We still need a strong KPK. The public continues to trust the KPK. A survey by the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) on public trust in state institutions released in Jakarta, Thursday (29/8/2019), revealed that the KPK was the most trusted institute. Up to 84 percent of the 1,220 respondents interviewed on 11-16 May 2019 believed in the KPK. Trust in the DPR was relatively low at 61 percent, while political parties occupied the lowest position at 53 percent.
Placing trust in an institute does not glorify it or the people working at it. Clarity of public reasoning is still needed to remain critical of the KPK in the carrying out of its duties and function, but not by weakening it, let alone in the name of the law.
In the Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International, in the last five years the position of Indonesia has tended to stagnate. Indonesia\'s CPI scores for 2015-2018 were respectively 36, 37, 37, and 38. In fact, the 2015-2019 KPK leaders targeted Indonesia\'s score to reach 50. This confirms that behind positive anticorruption efforts, and increased attention to corruption in the private sector and political corruption, the weakness of law enforcement is still a real threat in Indonesia.
We must also be aware of the condition of Indonesia\'s democracy, which is not fully optimal. Based on the democracy index of the Economist Intelligence Unit 2018, Indonesia is categorized as an imperfect democracy with 6.39 points. It is only 1 point ahead of Singapore (6.38) and under the Philippines with a score of 6.71 and Malaysia (6.88).
Several indicators are used to measure democracy, including pluralism, civil liberties and political culture. The democracy index of Freedom House in 2018 shows that Indonesia has a score of 64 and is categorized as yellow or "partially free" among the 195 countries surveyed. According to the Indonesian Democracy Index in 2018 released by Statistics Indonesia (BPS), the score is 72.39, an increase of only 0.28 from 72.11 in 2017.
The elite in the DPR and the government must manage the people’s mandate by preventing deep disappointment to avoid people losing trust in those who they handed the authority to play a role.
Of course, all these indices can be used as evaluation material to continue to improve in the midst of various problems. Instead of being material that makes us pessimistic, it should be used as a reminder that we should not simply walk in place. Many reform agendas must be completed together. The elite in the DPR and the government must manage the people\'s mandate by preventing deep disappointment to avoid people losing trust in those who they handed the authority to play a role.
Majoritarian trap
The large coalition of political parties formed to cooperate in building a strong government should not be trapped in a majoritarian model. Adam Przeworski and Jose Maria Maravall in their book Democracy The Rule of Law (2003), referred to majoritarianism as a traditional agenda and philosophy in which the majority is the main group and has the right to make decisions that affect society as a whole.
The practice of a large coalition of political parties in the DPR, which makes it possible to pass whatever they want into law, should not negate the people\'s aspirations. It is true that the passage of a law, if it is not approved by acclamation, will ultimately be determined by a vote at the DPR. Take as an example after the KPK Law was revised, there will be revisions to the Agrarian Law, the Criminal Code, the Mineral Resources and Coal Law, and others. A postponement should not be a matter of "buying time", but must take into account the aspirations that develop in the community associated with several controversial articles and paragraphs that have been met with resistance.
It is necessary to establish adequate dialogue with all stakeholders who would be affected by the law to be ratified.
Having the majority of votes in the DPR is not a license to arrogantly go against the will of the people. Dan Slater in his article "Indonesia’s Accountability Trap: Party Cartel and Presidential Power after Democratic Transition” in the Journal of Cornell University Southeast Asia Program (2004) states that Indonesia is often trapped in cartel politics, which leads to the birth of collusive democracy. The condition is very likely to give birth to a majoritarian tendency not only in the legislature, but also in the executive branch. This disease usually results in the winner taking all because there is a dominant voice to smooth out their entire agenda and close all access to competitors.
One solution is for the DPR for the 2019-2024 period and President Jokowi and Vice President Ma\'ruf Amin to communicate with the people. A reciprocal communication model that can cut communication distances. Three main pillars in communicating effectively with the people are earning respect, commitment to good intentions to solve problems (goodwill), and mutual understanding. This is not a matter of who is in control of the majority of votes in the DPR; it is about who is able to create harmony for the benefit of the people.
It is no longer suitable for the elite to use a linear or unidirectional communication model in the formulation and enactment of laws and regulations. It is necessary to establish adequate dialogue with all stakeholders who would be affected by the law to be ratified.
In communication, there is no sudden crisis! It usually involves latent problems, which rise to the surface and turn into acute crises. What is needed by Indonesia today and in the future are transformational leaders. Not by being great or becoming heroes by themselves, but by being able to drive change collectively, working in synergy and collaboration.
Gun Gun Heryanto, Executive Director, Political Literacy Institute; Political Communication Lecturer, UIN Jakarta; Expert Board Member, ISKI