Civil society must build solidarity and become a "watchdog" to control the government.
This article has been translated using AI. See Original .
About AI Translated Article
Please note that this article was automatically translated using Microsoft Azure AI, Open AI, and Google Translation AI. We cannot ensure that the entire content is translated accurately. If you spot any errors or inconsistencies, contact us at hotline@kompas.id, and we'll make every effort to address them. Thank you for your understanding.
By
SYAMIL SHAFA BESAYEF
·3 minutes read
Dispute over the results of the general election, or PHPU, which was filed by presidential and vice-presidential candidates numbers 1 and 3, has gone through its process. The effort is a step to uncover allegations of election fraud through the Constitutional Court mechanism in adjudicating PHPU cases.
Monday, April 22 2024, the Constitutional Court rejected all requests submitted by parties 1 and 3. Interestingly, in the decision there were dissenting opinions of three constitutional judges who asked for a re-vote in several places.
The struggle between camp 1 and camp 3 has constitutionally ended because the Constitutional Court's decision is final in accordance with Article 24 (C) of the 1945 Constitution. Apart from the controversy over the Constitutional Court's decision, now the decision has legal force. Does this mean that our political participation as civil society is over?
Many people think that political participation is limited to entering the voting booth, then leaving everything to the election organizers. The next step in political participation is to guide the government forward in running the government. Civil society oversees policy and democracy so that the realization of people's welfare can be accelerated. Civil society must build solidarity and become a watchdog to exercise control over the government.
After the political contestation of the 2024 Presidential Election, it seems that the axis of change between PKB and Nasdem has joined as supporters of the winning government. With PPP not entering Parliament, the parties in Parliament that have not declared their stance are PKS and PDI-P. Assuming that the opposition in Parliament consists only of PKS and PDI-P, then the opposition only amounts to 25.14%. The DPR, which has the function of supervising the executive, may potentially lose its bite.
Such a situation has the potential to generate opposition from civil society. However, this condition is relatively seen as not dangerous by those in power. This situation is a ticking time bomb that will explode. When the government makes a blunder in making decisions or issuing policy, the community will respond with low trust in the government.
As a civil society composed of various elements, we must build a larger circle of allies to oversee the upcoming government.
Education is regulated in Chapter XIII Article 31 of the 1945 Constitution. It is stated that "Every citizen has the right to education" (Article 1) and "Every citizen is required to attend primary education and the government must finance it" (Article 2).
In reality, what is happening now is that education is treated more as a field for business rather than for enriching the nation's life as stated in the opening of the 1945 Constitution. The prevalence of private schools in Jakarta is not only for acquiring knowledge, but also for accommodating students who cannot attend public schools. This is not only happening in primary and secondary education, but also in higher education, especially in state universities with legal status (PTN-BH).
Initially, the aim of PTN-BH was to achieve independence for state universities in managing themselves. In this regard, all forms of internal policies of state universities could be formulated independently without the need for government intervention through the Ministry of Education and Research. It can be said that PTN-BH is the autonomy right of state universities. In reality, however, PTN-BH has become something "terrible" for students.
We see what is happening at General Soedirman University (Unsoed), where new students were surprised by a tuition fee increase from the rector. This is not only happening at Unsoed. Prospective students who are invited/prestigious (SNBP 2024) are not exempt from "additional levies."
If we look at this phenomenon, is it possible that in the future education will only be for families who are financially capable?
We hope that the PTN-BH policy will be "re-examined" so that it does not burden parents financially.