Allegations that a “budget mafia” exists within the House of Representatives first emerged more than 25 years ago. The House has always denied the allegation. However, there are strong indications that several House members are linked to this “mafia”.
The Great Dictionary of the Indonesian Language (KBBI) defines “mafia” as a secret organization that commits crime and illegal activities. Perhaps there is no organized group of criminals in the House. However, if we look at data from the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), we find that it has arrested 205 lawmakers for corruption between 2004 and 2018. Lawmakers make up the largest percentage of the people the KPK has arrested for corruption.
We can sense that legislators are involved in criminal activities. For instance, no information has ever been openly provided regarding their work and the rewards they receive for “supporting” the budget plans of regional administrations and government agencies, including helping private companies win project tenders. The allegations of a budget mafia at the House have inched closer to the truth.
From the House, we have (former) speaker Setya Novanto now behind bars. From the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), we have (former) speaker Irman Gusman also behind bars for corruption. Several speakers and members of Regional Legislative Councils (DPRDs) have either been named as suspects or convicted of corruption. Most recently, the KPK arrested House Deputy Speaker Taufik Kurniawan for allegedly receiving gratuities in connection with a special allocation fund (DAK) for Kebumen regency in the 2016 revised state budget (Kompas, 11/5/2018).
Taufik’s case is only the latest in a terribly long line of prominent national figures that have been ensnared in a corruption case. It also shows, once again, that our leaders never learn from history. The 1998 Reform Movement erupted because the people were angered by the rampant corruption happening nationwide. Prior to Taufik’s arrest, the KPK often arrested legislative members and speakers for basic corruption cases, namely accepting gratuities in return for manipulating projects in “the interest” of the regions or people they supposedly represent. Put simply: bribery.
The KPK’s data shows that of the 781 corruption cases it tackled in 2004-2018, 474 (more than 60 percent) were bribery cases. The heads of regional administrations or government agencies sometimes desire a bigger budget or approval for their projects, for which they need the legislators’ support. Lawmakers in the House, DPD or DPRD help them achieve their so-called dreams. They then ask for something in return, whether for themselves or their colleagues. Thus, bribery occurs.
Taufik is alleged to have received 5 percent of the Rp 73.37 billion (US$4.9 million) budget allocation for Kebumen – his constituency. Perhaps other parties were also involved other than former Kebumen regent M Yahya Fuad, who has been sentenced to four years in jail for bribery.
Nobody knows what was going on in Taufik’s mind – or in the minds of other national figures – when they decided to become involved in bribery. The KPK is sure to face no difficulties in its investigation.
Perhaps these “leaders” forgot to learn from the KPK’s Selected Materials and the Social Costs of Corruption (2015), which reads: “Among fruits, corruption is like rotten apples or oranges. Like rotten apples or oranges, corruption will ruin everything. It destroys not only the state, but also the perpetrator’s honor.”