Illusive Democracy
After nearly 20 years of reform, democratization in Indonesia can be said to have settled. This is measured by the existence of general elections to elect legislators, presidents and regional heads peacefully and sustainably (Linz and Stepan 1996). With that measure, it not right for us to say that Indonesia is a country that is still in the stage of political consolidation.
However, it seems that it is still difficult to "label" the development of Indonesian democracy. Whether it has entered the next stage, the stage of strengthening democratic institutions, or even the opposite direction.
Why is it difficult? Because our democratic process tends to lead to illusive democracy, the direction of which is difficult to understand, whether it falls into procedural democracy or reaches the minimum limit of substantial democracy. What does illusive democracy mean and how do we mark it?
Tendency of illusive democracy
One of the characteristics of illusive democracy is the occurrence of anomalous politics in the stage of democracy installation. Democracy installation is a process in which democratic institutions grow and develop in the era of transition. The stages of democracy installation were carried out after the 2004 election to the 2009 election, which were marked by the birth of the first, second and third amendments of the 1945 Constitution, as well as a number of other democratic institutions. Along with the process of democracy installation, on the other hand, the political process was also accompanied by the rise of anomaly politics. The characteristic of anomaly politics is marked, among others, by the fact that in its processes and procedures, the democratic system actually works. However, the democratic space is used by powerful people, kinship politics, political dynasties and oligarchy. Civil political forces are "reduced" because all political essence and people sovereignty are encircled by the power of political parties in the political system.
In a simple language, in the atmosphere of life of our nation and state, its place is democracy, but its values and actors are surrounded by traditional politics, which are actually not the actors desired by democracy.
There is almost no "empty space" in democracy equally for the interests of civil society because the institutions that grow from democratic processes and procedures are filled with political interests that are great and close to the power and are filled by actors from political parties. Democratic institutions are growing, but the process of hijacking by political parties and strong people is also unavoidable.
Political parties become the single axis in filling the democratic space, determining everything. Important actors in "civil society" are almost paralyzed as a result of being absorbed in political appointee positions. The government formation building almost brings "politically appointed people" carriages, both in government and House of Representatives.
The paralysis of civil society actors through the provision of a place in practical politics, both as political appointees, success teams, volunteer teams and the like leads to a lack of escort in the political process. Criticism as a part of the life of democracy is considered a "threat" to the popularity of the government so that democracy which actually gives a large space to criticism changes the atmosphere, criticism must provide a solution.
We all understand, democracy without criticism will be "the tyranny of the majority or the tyranny of power." On the contrary, the political process, which is constantly criticized, will experience delegitimation and at a certain point anarchy will occur. Neither are choices, however democracy requires a strong, independent and impartial or partial rule of law. The upholding of the law "which is equal" -- should not be sharp downward, but blunted upward -- becoming the guardian in realizing balance so that democracy is on the real line, not tending to the "tyranny of the majority/power" and also not to "anarchy".
Democracy requires an independent law enforcer who works in accordance with the motto, fiat justitia render caelum, “let justice be enforced even though the sky will collapse".
Weakening of democratic institutions
Statistics Indonesia (BPS) has issued a report on the Indonesian Democracy Index (IDI) 2017. There are three important messages from the IDI 2017 report. First, the image of democracy is clear and strong, but lacking in capacity. The massive movement of presenting the state (state image) and revitalization of the accompanying rules of the game ignores the strengthening of the state in practice (IDI, 2017: 61).
The second message is that the development of our democracy leads to the poor function of democratic institutions. The final message is the existence of a tendency for democracy to provide space for the public to vote in elections, but the votes do not give meaning to the policy process due to a political process with minimal voice. For people, who have sovereignty (vote), their voices and aspirations are abandoned by their representatives who sit in the legislative councils and those in the government.
Such a development is another feature of illusive democracy. Democracy faces serious challenges because the building of democratic institutions which are born in the reform era such as political parties, anti-corruption institutions, constitutional commissions, and actors who have influence on the development of democracy (government, civil society, and other community forces) become actors, who supports the strengthening of democratic institutions or vice versa.
Theoretically one of the important features of a state which is experiencing the transition is called to have been in the stage of democratic consolidation when elected democratic governments, its government is functioning and political actors (elites) make the agenda of strengthening democracy the main goal of building a political system.
In that context, changes in the electoral system, party system and representation system in Indonesia still tend to be half-hearted. Changes in regulations related to the system of general election, parties, and representation do not improve the character of political institutions and the accountability of the political elites elected from the general elections. Corrupt and rent-seeking cultures are even getting increasingly widespread.
Politics minus moral
Illusive democracy is also characterized by politics minus morals. Political morality is neglected due to the rent-political culture, which is still "wandering". The number of politicians involved in corruption cases and arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission is contrary to the values of good and clean governance, which underlies the expected practice of democracy.
Political civilization in public spaces also lacks narrative of virtues. The aim of achieving power in all ways causes our democracy to lose the conscience of virtues. In fact, in the process and growth of democracy in a country, the culture of democracy must be based on the values of democracy, freedom, honesty, upholding human dignity, full tolerance, and avoiding anarchy -- an attitude of wanting to win alone.
The practices of corruption, collusion and nepotism, whose roots have grown strong during the New Order era, have not disappeared simply after Soeharto fell. The New Order regime experienced a metamorphosis in the frame of liberal democracy in the reform era. The cartel\'s oligarchy and politics grow strong (Mietzner 2015) (Ambardi 2008).
The roots of such oligarchy turns out to still flourish and ironically, oligarchs emerge at almost all levels, ranging from civic organizations, to political parties. Even the regional government structure shows a more complex pattern, not just oligarchy, but at the same time a political dynasty.
Reflections of political behavior minus moral will further alienate democracy from its main ideals, namely bringing prosperity to humanity. As to when will our political culture plunge into patrimonial cultural puddles like Emerson has mentioned and turn towards a democratic culture that is based on fair, honest, peaceful competition, and reflecting integrity? The ideals seem to remain far away. (Moch Nurhasim, Researcher at the Political Research Center of LIPI)