Papua, Disparity and Narrative of Racism

KOMPAS/MACHRADIN WAHYUDI RITONGA

Protest participants banners that read protests to try human rights violators in Papua were shown when Papuan student demonstrators in Bandung, West Java, on Tuesday (17/9/2019).

The Papua crisis, which was triggered by racial abuse, has lengthened the long list of state failures to manage the diversity of the nation.

The majority-minority, inferior-superior dichotomy is firmly institutionalized in the elements of people\'s lives. The attributes of race, ethnicity, religion and sexual orientation as an "identity" have been "manipulated" as triggers of conflict, which weakens community cohesion. For example, the crisis in Wamena that took place on 23 September has provoked ethnic and religious sentiment. The riots, which killed 33 people and resulted in an exodus of thousands of newcomers to Jayapura, was triggered by news about racist insults lodged by a teacher against his Papuan students. This incident triggered the anger of Papuans and resulted in riots, murders of newcomers and destruction of houses and public facilities; an action that cannot be justified from the aspect of law and humanity.

Conflict and disparity

The crisis in Wamena can be interpreted through various analysis angles. First, the riot has been publicly narrated in a simple way as a conflict between the Papuans and newcomers. The trigger is because of the gap and marginalization of the Papuans at present. This narrative indirectly perpetuates a stigma with racist nuances that the Papuans are synonymous with crime and violence. Second, from the narration, the government tries to make a counter-narrative. The government refuses the above analysis and says the relationship between newcomers and the Papuans is no problem and remains harmonious. This can be justified because of the news that develops, where there are many cases where the Papuans protected and saved the newcomers from mass anger. The government has accused the Free Papua Movement (OPM) and Benny Wenda\'s group of being riot actors in Wamena.

Possibly the Papuans are only "spectators" and their capability as buyers is also limited.

Racism again plays in the economic context that marginalizes the Papuans. The stigma that the Papuans are lazy, cannot manage money and the future, lack expertise and are not disciplined can be a major factor in the reluctance of newcomers to employ the Papuans. Ironically, "segregation due to racial stigma" tends to be left without attention. There is an absence of maximum effort to integrate the Papuans in socioeconomic activities in their own homeland. The Papuans are considered a "given" thing. In fact, the source of the backwardness of the Papuans, especially those living in mountainous areas, is caused by multifactors: isolation of the area so that they do not have access to quality education; access to electricity and the internet as a source of information is also limited; interaction with people outside their own area as a means of exchanging information and experiences is not optimal and, as a result of poverty, access to nutritious food to build their cognitive is also limited.

Narrative of racism

Broadly speaking, racism in Papua is indeed a complicated thing. Racism and stigmatization are not only a domain between newcomers and the Papuans, but also among the Papuans themselves OAP (those from the mountains and beaches). From the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) study, it is known that mountain people are stigmatizing coastal people of "selling Papua" for their own interests and are not loyal to the struggle for a referendum. On the other hand, coastal people feel smarter than mountain people.

The history of colonialism has a lot to play in constructing the Papuans as "others". The Papuans are stratified in the lower strata of society. Racial stigmatization that the Papuans are generalized as a fan of liquor, for example, can be traced back to this era of colonialism. From the CSIS study, the colonial motive for introducing alcohol to the local population was an effort to make the Papuans not to be demanding and rebellious. The Papuans drinking habits, that have continued until now have been inherited for generations, see the addictive function of alcohol, but there are also other reasons. An informant said that the consumption of alcohol is a form of culture shock. For example, mountain people who descend to urban areas cannot adapt to life in the cities and find it difficult to compete in this period of transition in "civilization differences". People get drunk out of frustration.

Looking at the above-mentioned facts, a critical and in-depth investigation is needed to see the root of a problem before carrying out a racial stigmatization. Incorrect assessment ultimately has impacts on the marginalization of the Papuans among other ethnic groups because they are considered to have a behavior or habit that is considered "not ordinary". Ironically racism in Papua flourishes because this negative prejudice tends to be something that is absolutely trusted without doing anything to prove it.

Social hierarchy

Racism against the Papuans is also related to aspects of physical differences (curly hair and black skin) so that they tend to be positioned in a low social hierarchy. Theoretically, hierarchy is related to class interests, or in this case certain ethnicities, both economically, politically, socially, and culturally. Physical differences alone should not result in actions that marginalize other ethnic groups. Hierarchies in society are constructed based on class and ethnic attributes laden with interests, competition, and threats.

Physical differences and negative prejudices tend to be used to maintain segregation among ethnic groups.

The reluctance to employ the Papuans in the economic wheel in Papua if theoretically contextualized other than because of negative prejudice, there is a goal to defend the interests of the group itself (in-group) and other groups are considered as a threat. Allport (in Diler, 2007) said, "We tend to respect our own existence and attack other groups that are considered as threats". Here race or racialism is like a "mask" that hides the true meaning of an economic, political, and social relationship (Miles, in Solomos and Black, 1996). Physical differences and negative prejudices tend to be used to maintain segregation among ethnic groups.

It must be admitted that the effort to eliminate racism in Papua is not an easy thing. Racialism in Papua has undergone a process of transformation, from a positioning that marginalizes the Papuans where "being different" is a tool and strategy for the struggle for "freedom". The Papuans no longer feel that they are passive victims.

Its solution, problems in Papua, both in the economic, political and human rights aspects, remain an urgent matter to be resolved. In addition, the media needs to help to form a positive narrative about the Papuans and introduce Papuan culture to other regions in Indonesia and abroad. There should also be more active breakthroughs to employ the Papuans in public spaces outside Papua, such as becoming flight attendants, soap operas players, news readers, and models. Finally, affirmative policies that "defend" the interests of the Papuans as well as efforts to create spaces for cross-ethnic and religious interactions need to continuously be promoted with a spirit of justice, equality and diversity.

Vidhyandika D Perkasa, Head of Politics and Social Change Department, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)