Statesmen and Democracy

Theoretically, combining a presidential and a multiparty system makes it difficult to form a consolidated legislature.

KOMPAS/WAWAN H PRABOWO

President Joko Widodo (sixth left) and Vice President Ma\'ruf Amin (sixth right), along with members of the Indonesia Onward Cabinet, wave during a group photograph on 23 Oct. 2019 on the front steps of Merdeka Palace in Central Jakarta. Earlier in the day, the President announced the Cabinet line-up, while advising his new ministers against committing corruption and urging them to create a solid system that did not allow corruption.

A president-elect generally finds it difficult to form a solid coalition, so he rarely has majority support in the legislature. This does not happen in Indonesia, especially following the 2019 election, because they are all accommodated in the same government compound.

Following the results of the 2019 election, President-elect and Vice President-elect Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and Ma\'ruf Amin were able to consolidate the Cabinet. They succeeded in welcoming the Gerindra Party, which was given two seats in the Indonesia Onward Cabinet. Gerindra\'s entry means that Jokowi has a large number of supporters in the legislature, at nearly 75 percent (74.98 percent). The three remaining parties – the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Democratic Party – are not part of the government and have about 25.74 percent together.

‘Extra jumbo’ politics

The composition of the Cabinet as a result of the 2019 election reflects political compromise, compared to a professional working cabinet (zakenkabinet). The Cabinet has 50 seats: 38 ministers and ministerial-level officials and 12 deputy ministers who are appointed from among professionals, coalition parties, the campaign team and the President’s close associates. The composition is certainly not ideal, as those from non-professional circles comprise 62 percent, while professionals only comprise 38 percent. These figures further confirm that the Cabinet is one formed by compromise.

A cartel coalition holding 74.98 percent of seats in the legislature and an opposition holding only 25.74 percent could encourage the tyranny of the majority.

An "XXL" coalition has been formed in the legislature with the inclusion of Gerindra. The parties that backed Jokowi-Ma\'ruf control almost all strategic and important elements in the House of Representatives (DPR), the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) and the Regional Representatives Council (DPD). The government coalition also holds four DPR leadership positions, four chairs on the completion apparatus council (AKD) and 14 AKD deputy chairs, and dominates the leadership of the MPR and DPD. This shows that Jokowi has gained political control in a clean sweep to support his policies for the next five years. The 2019 election has thus resulted in the creation of a cartel coalition, which has no basis except political interests.

A cartel coalition holding 74.98 percent of seats in the legislature and an opposition holding only 25.74 percent could encourage the tyranny of the majority. One example of the tyranny of the majority on democracy is evident in the enactment of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Law. Almost all political parties – in both the legislature and government – said the same thing and agreed to the law. The voice of the people, who possess ownership of sovereignty – vox populi, vox dei – and who rejected the KPK bill, has been ignored.

A cartel coalition is actually legitimate in a democracy. However, there is a danger that the cartel coalition could turn into a political conspiracy. This could occur when the government and the DPR make a political agreement that contradicts the public will and is damaging to the public interest. In a democracy, whatever the government and the DPR produce is valid according to law, but is not necessarily recognized or trusted by the owner of sovereignty (the people).

KOMPAS/WAWAN H PRABOWO

Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto arrives at the Presidential Palace complex on 24 Oct. 2019 to attend a Cabinet meeting held at Merdeka Palace, Central Jakarta. President Joko Widodo and Vice President Ma\'aruf Amin, who were recently inaugurated on 20 Oct., presided over the plenary meeting.

The experiences of other countries also show that politics without an opposition can be a symptom of a democracy held hostage. The government has co-opted the institution of democracy and no other force exists to raise a different voice in a balance of power. Democracy that develops in such a way is similar to a gotong royong (mutual cooperation) democracy, a democracy without criticism or supervision, because all groups are part of the government.

Such a democracy can be a double-edged sword: On the one hand, it will indeed make for effective multiparty presidentialism and efficient policy-making. However, the policies produced can contradict the public will or cause widespread disappointment among the people.

It must be admitted that welcoming Gerindra into the 2019-2024 Indonesia Onward Cabinet is similar to leaving the opposition "orphaned". The three remaining parties – the PKS, PAN and the Democrats – do not have sufficient political power, particularly if they do not have skilled and critical cadres who can respond to the government’s policies. A weak opposition can have a severe impact on democracy because it automatically weakens legislative oversight. This impact could lead to what Larry Diamond terms a "democratic recession".

Statesmen think by considering national integrity and the future of the nation.

On the other hand, the turah (excessive) coalition could cause "mutual hostage-taking" between the President and the coalition parties. Why? Because both want to feel safe and secure until the end of this administration. This may affect executive-legislative relations and legislature-party relations, and a problem in repositioning the legislature and the cabinet. In democratic discourse, this situation can paralyze the mechanism of checks and balances, which is, ironically, the essence of a presidential democracy. Without checks and balances, our democracy will turn into an unsupervised compromise.

Statesmen needed

Indonesian democracy needs statesmen and not politicians amid this political imbalance between the opposition and the government, and the existence of a too-strong government.

What does this mean? First, statesmen think by considering national integrity and the future of the nation. They weigh what is good for democracy and what can harm democracy. A statesman prefers to take the path of wisdom in making policies, even though he has "full power".

Second, statesmen are different from autocrats, because autocrats are characterized more by "arrogance" in their political behavior and do not listen to the people’s aspirations. An autocrat in a leadership position in a democracy can quell the voice of the people, who possess true sovereignty. In many instances, it is these autocrats who try to reverse democracy by co-opting democratic institutions.

A statesman thinks more about the cohesiveness of society and politics and does not try to wield the institutions under his authority as a political weapon to manipulate democracy as he pleases.

Third, in the confusion following the polarization of the 2019 election, politicians and officials in the legislature and the government are expected to position themselves as public servants, not as rulers. The republic still has a long journey ahead, because this requires exemplary politics.

Read more : Maintaining Remembrance

Exemplary politics is statesmanship. According to Jusuf Kalla, this is the kind of politics that puts the nation and state above political interests and groups, and has leaders that work on the foundation of the democracy that we have agreed upon as the mechanism for the nation and state.

MOCH NURHASIM, Researcher at the Political Research Center of LIPI.