The routine and repeating ritual that occurs during a political contest is the confusing clamor of thoughts that do not have any clear or comprehensive paradigm.
By
J KRISTIADI
·4 minutes read
The routine and repeating ritual that occurs during a political contest is the confusing clamor of thoughts that do not have any clear or comprehensive paradigm. The same political liturgy is also being reproduced prior to the 2020 regional elections (Pilkada). The public is being offered two options: a direct election or an indirect election in which the Regional Legislative Councils (DPRD) elect the regional head. A black-and-white discourse will only perpetuate misdirection and confusion in managing the Pilkada.
Public debate has arisen in response to Home Minister Tito Karnavian, who affirmed his determination to review the direct regional elections and revealed his idea of an asymmetric election as the core issue. This has garnered good response, with several parties supporting the idea. The political support is significant, because without political support, the idea will simply fade in spite of its widespread development of the idea in civil society.
The discourse on asymmetric Pilkada should consider its older peer: asymmetric decentralization (non-uniform regional autonomy). The first issue concerns Pilkada designs and procedures, while the second issue concerns local administrative systems.
The urgency for a management agenda for asymmetric decentralization is inevitable because Indonesia is highly pluralistic. This reality makes it impossible to design a uniform managerial system for regional administrations and the Pilkada.
Since all components of the nation have approved the unitary state as the fundamental design for Indonesia, the unitary state should also be the standard that guides asymmetric Pilkada and decentralization. In brief, asymmetric regional administrations should be oriented to the national interest. In this way, the relationship between the central government and regional administrations falls within the comprehensive design of the national governance framework.
The authority of regional administrations originates from the central government. Therefore, there is only one legislature, while the DPRD is part of the regional administrative structure. Consequently, the central government controls regional administrations and even has the authority to “liquidate” regional administrations if they fail to execute their tasks and duties as mandated in prevailing laws.
Legislation doesn’t position the law as a catalyst for social change or as a vision for future governance.
The political experience of the last 20 years has offered a very meaningful lesson that shifting from centralization to decentralization doesn’t automatically prompt a shift from authoritarian to democratic government; nor does it lead to the growth of a strong state in concurrence with a strong civil society. Neither does a weakening central government automatically produce a powerful local democracy.
The root of the problem is that the governance structure does not incorporate a comprehensive and clear paradigm. Legislation doesn’t position the law as a catalyst for social change or as a vision for future governance. The more regulations are produced, the more muddled they will be. The regulatory conundrum only restrains the power that should be managed to create policies that guarantee public welfare.
An asymmetric Pilkada is held through a mechanism that takes account of cultures, traditions, democratic weight, risk of conflict and geographical characteristics. For example, the Pilkada in Papua and West Papua should not adopt the direct system. Another model is a rotating Pilkada. The gubernatorial, regental and mayoral elections are held simultaneously in a single province, with each province holding their elections according to a rotating provincial schedule.
As part of the governance structure, an asymmetric Pilkada can be the focal point for alleviating disorderly regional management. The 2020 Pilkada is expected to provide initial stimulus to strengthen the national governance structure and to create effective and efficient regional administrations with policies that benefit the public. A Pilkada that is based on a clear and comprehensive pattern and concept will hopefully elect regional heads who are competent and sensitive to public aspirations, so they become good public servants. Regional heads are encouraged to represent the particular interests of their regions. In addition, they should also promote the institutionalization of democracy and enhance regional competitiveness in accordance with local advantages and wisdom.
Finally, the Pilkada is by no means a mere democratic ritual that sanctifies the political process to justify the pursuit of power, but rather a manifestation of the sovereignty of the people in choosing their leaders. For this reason, the 2020 Pilkada should be used as a golden opportunity to make breakthroughs in mitigating the managerial muddle at regional administrations.
J. KRISTIADI, Senior Researcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).